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Leaked Memo Shows 'Pro-Cuba' NGO Network Preparing To Target ICE, US Bases, Federal Buildings
Independent Cuban news outlet ADN Cuba has revealed that a US-based Cuba solidarity coalition circulated a memo instructing far-left activists to prepare rapid-response protests at US federal buildings, military bases, recruitment centers, and ICE facilities in the event of a military confrontation between the US military and the communist regime in Havana.
🚨 PRIMERO EN ADN | Documentos revisados por ADN Cuba revelan un plan nacional de “respuesta rápida” distribuido por la Red Nacional sobre Cuba (NNOC), una coalición con vínculos documentados con el ICAP, para coordinar protestas contra oficinas de ICE, bases militares y…
— ADNCuba - Noticias de Cuba (@CubaAdn) July 8, 2026The National Network on Cuba (NNOC), a deliberately loose coalition that links 77 left-wing activist organizations, nonprofits, and campaigns while minimizing legal exposure and clear command structures, has recently begun distributing a document for far-left protesters described as a "National Rapid Response Plan."
The memo lays out a target list for NNOC's socialist- and communist aligned NGOs, directing organizers to mobilize against ICE facilities, US military bases, recruitment centers, and federal buildings within 24 hours of any US military escalation involving Cuba.
The document reads less like a typical protest statement and more like a pre-planned foreign subversion operation, with defined targets, response timelines, and coalition infrastructure designed to sow chaos deep within America.
Last month, Secretary of State Marco Rubio sanctioned the Cuban Institute of Friendship with the Peoples, or ICAP, a Castro-era organization used to spread Marxist ideology abroad.
As we've pointed out before (see the report), ICAP sits at the center, functioning as a partner to NNOC. Think of NNOC as a pathway for foreign subversion operations to infiltrate US NGOs.
Take a look at NNOC's member organizations, and you might notice several socialist and communist-linked NGOs, including the Democratic Socialists of America, whose members have actively promoted "destroying America from within."
Frank, Aaron, Hank and Sam are Communist insurgents, radicalized marxist revolutionaries hiding behind personal ideologies to justfy their 1A expressions of the right to promote the insurrection of the Constitutional Republic of the United States of America pic.twitter.com/XLzzjisOqd
— AnimalFarm1945 (Moshe) (@Farm1945A) July 6, 2026Here's more from ADN Cuba's report, which may help readers understand that some protests and riots on American streets are not always organic.
In some cases, they appear to be highly organized, built through NGO networks, pre-planned mobilization frameworks, activist coalitions, and potentially foreign-linked influence operations designed for unrest, chaos, and the ultimate destruction of the US:
The document not only identifies ICE offices as one of the main protest targets but also explicitly explains why. According to the plan, demonstrations at these facilities would allow to "connect Cuba solidarity to anti-ICE/immigrant defense work happening nationwide."
This would not be the first time that organizations from the so-called "solidarity with Cuba" movement participate in such mobilizations. The No Kings protests, for example, is listed in the 2026 activity calendar of the Seattle Cuba Friendship Committee, one of the organizations linked to this network.
The National Network on Cuba (NNOC), a coalition based in the United States that groups more than 70 organizations, has documented ties with the Cuban Institute of Friendship with the Peoples (ICAP), a Cuban state body sanctioned by the United States in June 2026.
On July 1, Secretary of State Marco Rubio characterized that organization as the main "influence and intelligence front" of the Cuban regime and warned that those who maintain ties or conduct transactions with it could face sanctions, legal proceedings, or deportation.
The document also recommends that organizers use a military facility locator developed by Black Alliance for Peace to identify bases and other military infrastructure targets in their respective communities.
It also includes a "power mapping" guide, a methodology for organizing aimed at identifying unions, community organizations, and potential allies in each locality to enhance the campaign's mobilization capacity. As an additional objective, the NNOC plan recommends organizing actions in sports stadiums during high-visibility events, in order to maximize the public impact of the protests.
The strategy was publicly promoted by Onyesonwu Chatoyer, co-chair of the National Network on Cuba (NNOC), a member of the National Coordinating Committee of the Venceremos Brigade and a member of the Central Committee of the All-African People's Revolutionary Party (A-APRP).
In a video broadcast by the organization on June 12, Chatoyer stated that the network had approved the "national rapid response plan" during its spring meeting held in late May. "Across the United States, NNOC organizations are organizing rapid responses in the event of a military attack by the United States on Cuba," she noted.
Beyond defining the places of protest, the plan establishes a uniform timeline for the entire country. If a military action occurs before 3:00 p.m. (Eastern Time), demonstrations would begin that same day at 6:00 p.m. local time in each city. If the triggering incident occurs after that time, protests would be held the following day.
The objective, according to the document, is to facilitate simultaneous mobilization across multiple time zones.
The rapid response plan does not appear in isolation. It is part of the No War on Cuba Campaign Toolkit, a package of materials designed to coordinate communication, political training, and mobilization among organizations affiliated with the National Network on Cuba (NNOC).
The toolkit includes template resolutions for city councils and unions, signature gathering campaigns, graphics materials, "power mapping" guides to identify local allies, social media resources, and political training content.
It also promotes international days of action and support campaigns for Cuba. The materials present a narrative aligned with the official position of the Cuban government.
They include references to the Cuban Institute of Friendship with the Peoples (ICAP), videos from Foreign Minister Bruno Rodríguez Parrilla, and campaigns to promote the lifting of U.S. sanctions and the exclusion of Cuba from the list of state sponsors of terrorism. The call coincides with the anniversary of the 11J protests
While human rights organizations commemorate the fifth anniversary of the protests on July 11, 2021—the largest anti-government demonstrations recorded in Cuba since 1959 and after which more than a thousand people remain imprisoned for political reasons, according to human rights organizations—several groups affiliated with the National Network on Cuba (NNOC) are promoting activities in favor of the Cuban regime for the same date.
These include the event "No War on Cuba," organized by the Bay Area Cuba Solidarity Network in Berkeley, California, with the announced participation of Cuba's deputy ambassador to the United States, Tanieris Diéguez, and the embassy's second secretary, Gabriela González. The call is also promoted by the anti-imperialism committee of the East Bay Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) chapter.
Actions promoted by the National Network on Cuba (NNOC) occur in a context marked by the ongoing repression on the island. According to the Cuban Observatory of Human Rights (OCDH), the Cuban regime committed 1,949 repressive actions against citizens during the first half of 2026, while over 1,000 political prisoners remain incarcerated, according to human rights organizations.
. . .
Together, the "Rapid Response" plan and the No War on Cuba Campaign Toolkit offer a rare glimpse into the organizational structure that the NNOC aims to activate to support the Cuban regime's position in the event of a potential U.S. military intervention in Cuba. The documents illustrate how the network seeks to coordinate protests, communication campaigns, coalition building, and synchronized actions in various U.S. cities.
Related:
With DSA connected to NNOC and ICAP, it only now makes sense why Mark Penn, the former chief White House pollster and strategic advisor to President Bill Clinton for six years, used a Wall Street Journal op-ed titled "The Socialist Threat Is Real" to warn that far-left radicals are hijacking the Democratic Party on Tuesday.
Penn called for "Lawmakers, law-enforcement agencies and journalists should investigate the DSA to see if it is being funded by foreign governments and interests."
In the DSA's own words, it is a "partner" of ICAP, a US-sanctioned Cuban state entity.
That should help explain why the DSA's rhetoric so often veers from anti-Trump to outright anti-American.
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James Talarico Says He Supports The Second Amendment - His Record Says Otherwise
Authored by Leigh Gibson, Texas State Director - Gun Owners of America,
The Second Amendment protects more than the right to own a firearm. It protects the natural right of every law-abiding American to defend themselves and their family. But it also serves a broader purpose: preserving the liberty of a free people by ensuring that ultimate power remains with the citizens rather than the government.
The Founders understood that self-defense and liberty are inseparable. Having just fought a war for independence against a government that abused its power, they recognized that a free people must never become entirely dependent on government for either their safety or the preservation of their liberty. That understanding is woven into the Second Amendment.
That raises an uncomfortable question: Do the people entrusted with government power truly believe in the Second Amendment as it was written? Or do they believe in it only until it conflicts with the policies they want to impose?
Texas Democratic U.S. Senate nominee James Talarico provides a timely example.
The Second Amendment is only 27 words long, so I'd venture to say most lawmakers have read it.
The problem is many lawmakers read limitations into the Second Amendment that simply aren't there.
I've spent the past several years at the Texas Capitol as the Texas State Director for Gun Owners of America. My job is to read firearm legislation, testify before committees, work with lawmakers, and hold elected officials accountable for their votes. Before that, my family left California for Texas because we wanted to raise our children in a state that respected constitutional rights.
Those experiences have taught me something important. Almost every politician seeking statewide office in Texas says they support the Second Amendment. The important question isn't whether they say they support it. The question is what they believe it protects.
Their answer isn't found in campaign rhetoric. It's found in the legislation they support and the votes they cast.
James Talarico says he supports the Second Amendment. But listen carefully to how he describes that right.
In a 2020 podcast, Talarico argued that the words "well regulated" justify what he calls "commonsense restrictions" on the right to keep and bear arms.
Like many politicians, Talarico frequently points to the phrase "well regulated" as though it authorizes modern government regulation of a constitutional right.
It doesn't.
At the time the Second Amendment was written, "well regulated" commonly meant properly functioning, well-trained, and in good working order - not regulated by the government.
Talarico is correct that constitutional rights are not unlimited. The real question is who decides where those limits are. Our constitutional system doesn't allow elected officials to invent new restrictions simply because they believe they're "common sense."
Any restriction must be consistent with the Constitution's text, history, and tradition.
Even historical analogs - of which there are few - used by anti-gun politicians to justify modern gun control laws, were focused entirely on violent crime during the founding-era and purposefully did not restrict law-abiding citizens.
The Second Amendment deserves the same respect afforded by every other constitutional guarantee.
That same philosophy appears in Talarico's legislative record.
In 2021, he voted against HB 1927, Texas' Constitutional Carry law. There is no clearer vote demonstrating whether a lawmaker believes law-abiding citizens should be able to exercise their Second Amendment rights without first obtaining government permission.
Then in 2023, he voted against HB 2837, legislation prohibiting firearm-specific merchant category codes that could be used to track gun purchases.
The government has no legitimate business tracking the lawful purchases of peaceable Americans, and financial institutions should never become a backdoor registry for firearm ownership.
During the 2025 legislative session, he also voted against SB 706, legislation requiring Texas to recognize valid handgun licenses issued by every other state. That wasn't simply a vote affecting Texans. It was a vote against recognizing the rights of law-abiding Americans traveling through Texas.
None of those votes were about violent criminals. They were votes affecting the constitutional rights of law-abiding Americans.
This debate isn't about James Talarico alone. It is about a governing philosophy that says constitutional rights exist, but only to the extent government approves of how citizens exercise them.
I've heard politicians tell me they support the Second Amendment countless times at the Texas Capitol. Then, they turn around and vote for greater government control over how law-abiding Texans exercise that right. Nearly every proposal is offered in the name of safety.
The problem is that constitutional rights were never intended to depend upon whether government believes restricting them serves a worthy purpose.
The Second Amendment was written precisely because the Founders distrusted concentrated government power - not because they expected future politicians to exercise it perfectly.
Reasonable people can disagree about public policy. They can debate crime prevention, criminal penalties, and law enforcement. But they should also be honest about what they believe.
If someone believes government should determine who may fully exercise the right to keep and bear arms, under what circumstances, and only after satisfying additional government requirements, then they don't believe in the Second Amendment as it was originally understood.
They believe in a government-managed privilege.
For voters who genuinely value the Constitution, the next time a politician says, "I support the Second Amendment, but...," don't focus on the words that come before the comma. Listen carefully to what comes after it. That's where you'll usually discover what they truly believe - and how they'll govern.
Tyler Durden Wed, 07/08/2026 - 21:45