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Second Shot At The Second Amendment: Could Heller Be Undone By An Errant Qualifier?

Zero Rss
1 week 1 day ago
Second Shot At The Second Amendment: Could Heller Be Undone By An Errant Qualifier?

Authored by Jonathan Turley via JonathanTurley.org,

Many of us are gearing up with columns previewing the Court's October term and have highlighted the upcoming arguments over bans on AR-15s and semiautomatic weapons in out of the Seventh Circuit in Chicago (Viramontes v. Cook County) and the Second Circuit in New York (Grant v. Higgins).

A recent column from Professor Rory Little suggests that these cases will strike at what he considers a glaring flaw in the Heller decision that recognized the individual right under the Second Amendment. Professor Little repeats a common claim about Heller that some of us have challenged. I wanted to briefly address that controversy again. The column appeared in Scotusblog, a respected site that offers tracking and commentary on pending Supreme Court cases. Here is the portion that I wanted to address:

The 2008 Heller decision, which changed precedent to find a Second Amendment right to own handguns for self-defense, was decided 5-4. To me (and others) it is clear that Justice Antonin Scalia had to include various qualifiers in his opinion, or he would have lost one or two of his five votes and Heller would have come out differently. Part III of the opinion was clearly added to capture, or keep, the narrow but earth-shattering majority, and ought to be viewed as the binding judgement of the court. Specifically, in addition to listing various "longstanding prohibitions on the possession of firearms" left undisturbed, part III said "we also recognize another important limitation on the right to keep and carry arms. ... the sorts of weapons protected were those 'in common use at the time'" (quoting United States v.Miller, a 1939 precedent upholding bans on machine guns). I add emphasis on "at the time," because the Viramontes briefing all but ignores what the court said was this "important limitation."

As the solicitor general's brief notes, "the AR-15 rifle was developed in 1956," and the first semiautomatic rifle of any kind was sold in 1903. Thus, while they may be the "most commonly owned rifle[] in America" today (albeit by less than 10% of all Americans), semi-automatic rifles were undisputedly not in common use "at the time" the Second Amendment was adopted in 1791. Indeed, as the SG's brief also explains, it is the modern technological developments in the AR-15 that makes it popular today. (This is also why they are commonly used in mass-shootings.) Rather, the solicitor general's Viramontes brief subtly changes the language, saying (on page 21) that the proper Second Amendment test is whether AR-15s "are in common use" today (again, my emphasis). This radically departs from the doctrinal limits that were essential to cementing the Heller result. In his 2025 dissent from denial of certiorari, Kavanaugh (joined by Justice Samuel Alito) adopted this same semantic transfiguration of Heller (changing "were" to "are") - an error (or strategy) presaged in Kavanaugh's 2011 Circuit judge dissent when Heller was remanded in 2011. Many folks will be listening on Dec. 2 to see whether a majority of justices will agree that Heller did not actually mean what it appeared to say.

As others have noted, this is an old saw repeated by many critics of Heller.

Justice Scalia anticipated this argument in the actual Heller decision. He wrote:

"Some have made the argument, bordering on the frivolous, that only those arms in existence in the 18th century are protected by the Second Amendment. We do not interpret constitutional rights that way...Just as the First Amendment protects modern forms of communications, and the Fourth Amendment applies to modern forms of search, the Second Amendment extends, prima facie, to all instruments that constitute bearable arms, even those that were not in existence at the time of the founding."

As I recently discussed in a column, this issue came up nine years ago when Massachusetts attempted to ban stun guns. The Court issued a per curiam opinion in Caetano v. Commonwealth of Massachusetts that sent back a case to the First Circuit and rejected the logic that they were not in common use at the time of the Second Amendment's enactment. The Court pointed out that in District of Columbia v. Heller, 554 U. S. 570, 582 (2008), it expressly rejected that argument and held that the Second Amendment "extends . . . to . . . arms . . . that were not in existence at the time of the founding." It also rejected two other rationales. (Notably, the Court is considering another stun gun case in Calce v. New York after the Second Circuit failed to heed the warning of the Court).

Notably, a new challenge has been filed in Connecticut over a ban of convertible handguns. It is likely to raise many of these same issues. The Firearm Industry Trade Association filed a lawsuit this week that will be before the district court as the Supreme Court hears arguments on the two pending cases.

I obviously disagree with Professor Little and other experts who raise this claim. There are, of course, good-faith arguments against the Heller decision. Some like Professor Little view that decision as "earth-shattering." I do not.

I still believe the Court was correct in viewing this as an individual right. However, I do not believe that this claim of a glaring and hypocritical contradiction between Heller and later cases is fair or supported. There was no sleight of hand in "changing 'were' to 'are.'"

This really does not come down to a change in verbs. While many hope that packing the Supreme Court will result in an immediate reversal of Heller, it is unlikely to turn on the word "were."

Jonathan Turley is a law professor and the New York Times best-selling author of "Rage and the Republic: The Unfinished Story of the American Revolution."

Tyler Durden Wed, 09/23/2026 - 18:25
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Beijing Moves Down The AI Stack: After GPUs, China Is Coming For Broadcom's Switches

Zero Rss
1 week 1 day ago
Beijing Moves Down The AI Stack: After GPUs, China Is Coming For Broadcom's Switches

Xi Jinping lands in Washington for a state visit today, but as Bloomberg sums up the mood in one line: the two leaders "may find common ground on AI safety, but neither is willing to give ground in the technology race." And right on schedule, the FT reports that Beijing has started counting Broadcom switches.

According to the FT, China's State-owned Assets Supervision and Administration Commission (SASAC), which oversees the country's state-owned companies, has spent recent weeks surveying how much Broadcom switching gear is installed in state-controlled data centres. The count came back... high: "The survey found that the penetration rate of Broadcom switches among state-owned companies could be as high as 90 per cent, one of the people said."

The exercise supports Beijing's "domestic chips for domestic use" campaign. The initial findings could lead SASAC to issue "informal guidance" telling state data centres to cut back on Broadcom. In Beijing, informal guidance tends to carry the weight of a formal order.

Why switches, and why now

Switches get little attention in the AI boom, but they decide whether 10,000 accelerators work together as one training cluster or sit around as 10,000 very expensive heaters. Broadcom's merchant Ethernet silicon dominates that layer worldwide. Nvidia and Huawei also sell high-end switches in China, but Nvidia is already barred from state-backed data centers. That leaves Broadcom as the last major American supplier embedded in China's state AI build-out.

SASAC is also looking at how Broadcom sells, not just how much. Per the FT, the agency is checking whether Broadcom used its market lead to bundle products or require purchase commitments of up to tens of thousands of switch chips. Those terms allegedly limited how much H3C and Ruijie Networks could buy from other vendors such as Huawei. H3C and Ruijie are the preferred vendors on the procurement lists behind billions of dollars in annual public-sector IT spending. If that line of questioning sounds familiar, Beijing used the same approach last year when it found Nvidia had breached antimonopoly law over its Mellanox deal. Mellanox is, notably, a networking business.

Two caveats from the FT story: 

  • Private operators are exempt. ByteDance and Alibaba are not covered, so the rule doesn't reach the companies doing most of China's frontier training.
  • Nothing gets ripped out. Existing gear stays in place. One rack-maker sales rep described the policy as "part of a broader policy to 'nationalise the supply chain'." In practice, that means a replacement cycle rather than a purge.
The stakes for Broadcom

According to its latest 10-K, 17% of Broadcom's FY2025 revenue (about $10.9bn of $63.9bn) came from shipments to China including Hong Kong. That was down from 20% a year earlier. Much of that figure is ship-to accounting for contract manufacturers assembling gear for non-Chinese customers, so true Chinese end-demand is smaller. AVGO rose about 0.5% on the headline, which suggests traders don't see much damage. Sure enough, while the near-term P&L hit is modest but the strategic cost is bigger: switching is set to become a multibillion-dollar market inside China, and it is being set aside for domestic suppliers.

The bigger picture: Goldman's numbers on China's self-reliance push

Goldman's recent research shows how quickly the domestic stack is filling in:

  • The demand side is large. Goldman's desk points out that China's domestic AI chip market is "quietly gearing up for a staggering 69% compound annual growth rate through 2030." GS Research's CHIPS IV forecasts China semiconductor capex rising +13% / +15% / +15% in 2026–28, driven by memory and advanced-node capacity.
  • The foundry is full. In the SMIC note (available to pro subs here), Allen Chang says SMIC grew revenue 20% QoQ in 2Q26. That was the fastest among the global top-10 foundries, whose aggregate growth was 11.5%. Chang attributes it to "China's strong AI demand and customers diversifying their suppliers to better secure capacity." Utilization is expected to stay above 95% through 2H26, new wafer pricing takes effect in 3Q26, and 54–71% of capex goes to 7nm and advanced nodes. Goldman expects no ASP declines because there's no spare capacity to discount.

  • The private sector is localizing without being told to. In the Alibaba note after the Apsara conference (available here for pro subs), Golman analyst Ronald Keung forecasts capex of Rmb209bn / 243bn / 260bn for FY27–29E and a cloud power footprint of 20GW by 2032, supported by "unique cost advantages from its custom T-head silicon." Alibaba is exempt from the SASAC push, yet it is building its own chips anyway.
  • Policy points the same way. Goldman chief China economist Hui Shan writes that policymakers are "focused on advanced manufacturing rather than broad-based easing." So while consumers deal with a housing slump, the fabs keep getting funded.

Put Goldman's research next to the policy timeline and the pattern is clear:

  • August 2025: New data centers told to source at least 50% of chips locally.
  • September 2025: Big tech told to stop buying Nvidia's China-specific chips, and regulators issued the Mellanox antitrust finding.
  • November 2025: State-funded data centers banned from using foreign AI accelerators (Reuters).
  • June 2026: A reported ~2 trillion yuan ($295bn) national compute plan through 2028 with an 80% domestic-content target (TechTimes).
  • September 2026: The survey of switches, one of the last foreign-made layers left.

On the supply side, Huawei used last week's Huawei Connect to lay out an Ascend roadmap of the 960 in 2027, 970 in 2028 and 980 in 2029. It also showed an Atlas 960 SuperPoD that links 4,096 NPUs over its proprietary UnifiedBus interconnect, which means its networking is in-house too (Irish Times). DeepSeek reportedly plans to deploy at least 160,000 Ascend 950DTs. Huawei has raised 950DT prices by 60%, citing "tight component supply," which suggests pricing power is not an American monopoly either.

The catch: domestic gear costs more to run

Industry experts told the FT that Huawei's switches are less energy-efficient than Broadcom's, which means higher power bills for users. That matches Goldman's SMIC work: with utilization above 95% and no price cuts coming, "domestic" currently also means "capacity-constrained and not cheap." China's workaround is to build power generation faster than anyone else, which they've done this admirably.

And unlike the US, China has the electrical capacity to build all of this. China has 4000GW of total power generation and growing 20%. The US is at 1200GW and flat (with PJM and ERCOT nearing capacity) https://t.co/mEwD3LzvXs pic.twitter.com/p0xFKqeEAB

— zerohedge (@zerohedge) September 23, 2026 Bottom line

Export controls were meant to keep China a generation or two behind in AI hardware. They did slow progress in places, but they also gave Beijing both a reason and the political cover to replace every layer of the stack: accelerators, foundry, memory, interconnect and now switches. Each layer runs slower and hotter than its US counterpart, but it is Chinese-made. The market Broadcom has lost is small this year and likely to shrink further. Goldman's 69% CAGR figure describes a market growing quickly, and US suppliers are increasingly shut out of it.

Tyler Durden Wed, 09/23/2026 - 18:00
Tyler Durden

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Missouri Congressional Map Returns To Supreme Court For Third Time

Zero Rss
1 week 1 day ago
Missouri Congressional Map Returns To Supreme Court For Third Time

Authored by Aldgra Fredly via The Epoch Times,

The dispute over Missouri's new congressional map returned to the Supreme Court for the third time, with justices considering whether the state can use the GOP-backed map in the midterm elections.

The new map could help Republicans gain an additional U.S. House seat in the Nov. 3 elections.

The Supreme Court has twice prevented the state from using the redrawn congressional map, most recently on Sept. 10, when it granted the opponents' bid to stay a federal judge's order allowing the state to use the map in the midterm elections.

People Not Politicians, the group opposing the redrawn congressional map, filed an emergency motion with the U.S. Supreme Court on Sept. 22 after the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Eighth Circuit ruled that using the 2022 map in the Nov. 3 general elections would be unconstitutional, as the state had already used the redrawn 2025 map in the August 2026 primaries.

In a Sept. 21 ruling, the Eighth Circuit ordered U.S. District Judge Stephen Clark to enter a permanent injunction barring Missouri Secretary of State Denny Hoskins from using any congressional map other than the one the Legislature approved in 2025.

The federal appeals court stayed its ruling until Sept. 28 to allow time for a Supreme Court review.

Opponents asked the Supreme Court to block the ruling, saying it undermined the court's previous injunction blocking the use of the 2025 congressional map.

"The Eighth Circuit's order does not merely undermine this court's stay order; it requires the district court to issue a permanent injunction granting the exact same relief this court stayed in the exact same case," the motion stated.

The motion asks the Supreme Court to clarify that its Sept. 10 stay "precludes enforcement of the replacement injunction - or any additional federal court injunctions contrary to the stay order - so long as that stay remains in effect."

Opponents also argued that the Eighth Circuit lacked jurisdiction to enter the ruling.

"The Eighth Circuit cannot disrupt an imminent election after ballots have been cast by issuing relief that this court has already foreclosed and that it lacked jurisdiction to grant, all based on a merits theory of the panel's own invention," they said.

The Supreme Court gave supporters of the new map until midday on Wednesday to respond to the latest appeal.

The 2022 map, drawn by the General Assembly after the 2020 census, was designed to give Republicans a 6-2 edge. The 2025 map, drawn as part of a mid-decade redistricting, was designed to give them a 7-1 advantage.

Missouri held primary elections on Aug. 4 using the 2025 Missouri First map approved by the Republican-controlled General Assembly. President Donald Trump supported the redrawn map.

Tyler Durden Wed, 09/23/2026 - 17:40
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