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Supreme Court Rejects Challenge To Trump's First-Term Tariff On China
Authored by Aldgra Fredly via The Epoch Times,
The U.S. Supreme Court on June 15 declined to hear a legal challenge to tariffs imposed on Chinese imports by U.S. President Donald Trump during his first term in 2018.
The decision follows an appeal by HMTX Industries and other businesses after the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit last year upheld the tariffs, which Trump previously imposed on Chinese goods under Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 in response to China’s unfair trade practices related to technology transfer, intellectual property, and innovation.
The plaintiffs petitioned the Supreme Court to review the ruling, but the high court denied the request on June 15, keeping the tariffs in place. The justices did not provide any explanation for the decision.
According to a Feb. 20 petition filed by the importers, the first Trump administration imposed an initial round of tariffs on $50 billion worth of Chinese imports under Section 301 of the Trade Act.
The administration later expanded the tariffs in response to China’s retaliatory tariff measures by invoking Section 307 of the Trade Act, which allows the president to modify existing tariffs to address unfair trade practices.
“But Congress nowhere gave USTR [Office of the United States Trade Representative] the vast power to engage in an open-ended trade war under that modest modification provision. Yet that is precisely what happened here,” the importers said.
“That USTR’s ‘modification’ continues to impose billions of dollars in taxes on the American public each month is enough to warrant this court’s review.”
In a May filing, the administration argued that the case did not merit Supreme Court review and said the law allows the USTR to modify tariffs as long as the changes “are not radically transformative.”
“Accordingly, modifications imposed under Section 307(a) necessarily comport with the Act’s scheme because they are limited to actions appropriate to address the same problem that the original Section 301 actions addressed, as that problem has evolved over time,” it stated.
After taking office for a second term last year, Trump invoked the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA) to impose tariffs on trading partners, citing the need to regulate international transactions to respond to an “unusual and extraordinary threat” to national security.
The Supreme Court struck down the tariffs in February, ruling that the IEEPA does not clearly authorize the president to impose tariffs.
The Trump administration has been looking at alternative legal avenues following the Supreme Court ruling.
USTR Jamieson Greer said on Feb. 20 that his office would launch new Section 301 investigations covering most major trading partners.
The new trade investigations will cover various areas, including industrial excess capacity, forced labor, pharmaceutical pricing practices, discrimination against U.S. technology companies and digital goods and services, digital services taxes, and ocean pollution.
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Wyoming And Spokane Data Center Pauses Show NIMBY Fury Has Shifted From Nuclear To AI
The latest cracks in the data center buildout story arrived this month from opposite ends of the energy-rich West. Crusoe paused development activities on its 1.8 GW “Project Jade” campus near Cheyenne, Wyoming, at the explicit request of its customer.
Just days later, Avista announced it was pausing processing of a 500 MW data center request in Spokane County after more than 5,000 community complaints, a proposed city council moratorium, and concerns over ratepayer costs and legacy contamination at the former Kaiser Aluminum smelter site.
This all fits the pattern we’ve documented for over a year with proposed US data center capacity colliding with local political reality, transmission bottlenecks, and raw NIMBY resistance that now appears more intense than the peak opposition nuclear power plants faced in prior decades.
71% of Americans oppose construction of an AI data center in their local area, with 48% strongly opposed.
By comparison, opposition to a nuclear plant in the same backyard stands at 53%.
Data centers have managed to poll worse on local acceptance than nuclear facilities ever did at the height of their controversy.
We have been pounding the table on this long enough that we're frankly surprised the table is still standing. Half of the US data center capacity originally slated to begin operations in 2026 faces delays or outright cancellation, according to Sightline Climate analysis we covered in April.
Contested projects are seeing roughly 40% cancellation rates in some analyses. Eminent domain fights over transmission lines have erupted in Maryland, Georgia, and elsewhere. Brookfield-backed Compass withdrew from a major Northern Virginia corridor. Community revolts have already killed or delayed billions in projects from Texas to the Midwest.
The Avista and Crusoe cases simply add fresh, high-profile confirmation that even brownfield sites with existing power infrastructure and willing utilities are not immune.
The investment implications for the nuclear sector are direct and near-term negative for sentiment, even if the long-term logic remains intact. The explosive AI-driven power demand narrative that helped lift names such as Oklo (OKLO), NuScale (SMR), NANO Nuclear (NNE), Cameco (CCJ), and the broader sector via URA, NLR, and NUKZ, has always rested on the assumption that hyperscale load growth would translate into contracted, financeable nuclear capacity on accelerated timelines.
When marquee data center campuses pause or reconfigure, that assumption gets stress-tested. Equity volatility in the nuclear complex has reflected exactly this uncertainty with profit-taking and narrative recalibration whenever friction in the demand side becomes visible.
None of this changes the structural math. The US still adds essentially zero new large reactors while China commissions multiple units per year. AI training and inference loads are real and growing. But the notion that private capital and hyperscaler demand alone would bulldoze through local opposition and grid constraints was always optimistic.
These latest pauses demonstrate that the problem is not unique to nuclear permitting. It is a systemic feature of American infrastructure development in the current political and regulatory environment.
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SPLC Official Shared Bank Accounts With Neo-Nazi Informant
Authored by Ken Silva via Headline USA,
The New York Post reported on Tuesday the identity of the Southern Poverty Law Center official who, according to court records, was in a relationship with one of the SPLC’s paid neo-Nazi informants.
According to the Post, the SPLC official is Heidi Beirich, who was the group’s director of intelligence between 2012 and 2019. The Post noted that the “Employee-2” named in the Justice Department’s indictment matches Beirich’s profile.
“One figure, referred to as ‘Employee-2’ in the indictment is described as a ‘person who would become Director of the SPLC’s Intelligence Project,’” the Post noted.
“It also describes how ‘Employee-2’ wrote an article based on material stolen from National Alliance headquarters in 2014 and then paid off an informant to take the blame for the robbery.”
According to the DOJ, Employee-2 was in a relationship with an SPLC informant who infiltrated the neo-Nazi organization National Alliance.
The informant has yet to be identified. He’s referred to in the indictment as “F-9.”
SPLC boss funneled $1.2 million to lover in neo-Nazi group — pair even had joint bank account https://t.co/NiRLOt5bhC via @nypost
— Joel Pollak (@joelpollak) June 16, 2026The DOJ indictment says F-9 and Employee-2 shared a house and two bank accounts.
“Between 2015 and 2021, approximately $140,000 in donors’ money flowed from the SPLC operating account … and was ultimately deposited into the joint bank accounts held by F-9 and [Beirich],” court records state.
“This amounted to approximately 66% of all money ever deposited into their joint bank accounts. [Beirich] then used donors’ money to pay the couple’s personal living expenses.”
The DOJ also said F-9 stole 25 boxes of documents from the National Alliance. The Post noted that Beirich wrote an article allegedly based on the stolen materials in 2015.
Another informant was paid to take the blame for F-9’s theft. In April, Headline USA revealed the likely identity of that informant, who’s referred to as ‘F-39’ in the indictment. He is likely former National Alliance accountant Randolph Dilloway. The indictment says F-39 was paid $6,000 to take the blame for F-9’s theft. That information aligns with a lawsuit from around that time accusing Dilloway of being paid over $5,000 by the SPLC to steal documents.
The Post said Beirich and the SPLC did not respond to requests for comment.
The SPLC has a pending motion to dismiss the DOJ’s indictment, arguing that the case is one of vindictive prosecution.
Tyler Durden Tue, 06/16/2026 - 17:40