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We Watched 'The Odyssey' So You Don't Have To!
Submitted by blueapples on X via ashesofacacia.substack.com,
After watching The Odyssey (don't worry, I pirated it), all I can say is that the hatred it fomented was ultimately to its benefit. It caused a reactionary response that amplified the hype surrounding the movie, with the hate-posting ultimately serving as free publicity. It needed it because the movie was extraordinarily mediocre. A solid 4/10, and that's only largely because the source material innately provides such a compelling story.
As someone whose heritage is Greek, I completely understood that outrage. Hearing people complain about "cultural appropriation" when the foundation of Western civilization is built on my own culture always comes across as absurdly ironic to me. Every time I hear some liberal NPC bitching about cultural appropriation, I always wait for them to bring up voting to ask them how engaging in democracy isn't an act of cultural appropriation, which they of course just respond to by defaulting to some empty platitude they've been programmed to say.
Nevertheless, the rage-posting over the movie became really tiresome to me. It's Hollywood. What would you expect? If you're going to look at a commercially driven film from Christopher Nolan as if it should be the paragon of artistic integrity, then you really only have yourself to blame. There is an abundance of amazing film out there, past, present, and future. Art, whether it's film, music, or any other medium, needs to be something that is a catalyst for self-exploration; it should be sought out by an audience, not served to them. Depending on an industry to curate that experience is about as rational as depending on CNN or Fox News to deliver you the truth in their news coverage. All the same people complaining about "woke" movies are ultimately assimilating into the paradigm that promotes them. They'll be the first to watch Citizen Vigilante or some empty movie marketed to the right wing for the same commercial motives and laud it despite it being awful and the only value of the film triggering their confirmation bias.
Having said that, people critical of the casting in Nolan's The Odyssey were entirely merited in their vitriol. The virtual signaling done by the casting decisions is made clearer as the film plays out. Helen of Troy and Clytemnestra are really just used to show off Lupita Nyong'o being black. It's clear their characters weren't sought out by Nolan to play a particularly important part rather than being plot devices, which makes it hard to believe there was any real imperative to casting her on the basis of her ability as an actress. What makes that even more obvious is that each of those characters play incredibly important and compelling roles in Homer's epic poem, with much more focus being on Helen, of course. Helen is minimized far more than Clytemnestra, which is incredible considering she's the impetus of the Trojan War itself.
Then there's Elliot Page as Sinon. This is perhaps the most obvious example of forced casting, as Sinon is not a character in Homer's epic poem. Instead, Sinon is depicted as the Greek spy who tricks the Trojans into bringing the Trojan Horse into the city of Troy in Virgil's The Aeneid. There was really no reason to have Sinon other than for the plot device Nolan utilizes him as later in the film. The addition of Sinon is the second biggest departure from the source material as far as the plot of the story is concerned, other than the ending which Nolan rewrites to name Telemachus as king and have Odysseus and Penelope exiled from Ithaca for breaking the Greek law of xenia, or hospitality, which is for some reason called the Law of Zeus rather than the Law of Hestia, but I digress. Nolan has worked with Page in the past, when she was the secondary lead in the woefully awful 2010 science fiction movie Inception, so there is an element of familiarity behind the casting, but the publicity behind casting someone transgender comes across as the motive behind the casting more than anything else.
La escena de Elliot Page que me quedé esperando de La Odisea pic.twitter.com/xR7p6S3Z9h
— Njord (@VikingoArtico) July 18, 2026The flaws in the casting don't just have to do with the apparent DEI initiative behind many of the choices, though. The acting was woeful other than Anne Hathaway and John Leguizamo. Even their contributions to the film aren't acted out with any sense of nuance. Their performances are largely just amplified by being juxtaposed against very stunted and hollow acting displayed by the rest of the cast.
That sense of emptiness isn't exclusive to the acting. As is the case in all Christopher Nolan films, there was an overarching sterility behind the whole thing that made it very hard to invest in any of the characters or storylines, which says a lot considering it's The Odyssey. Odysseus bidding farewell to Argos is one of the most heartbreaking scenes in any work of literature ever, yet it came across as obligatory and, due to the gravity it plays in the plot, made for a very anticlimactic ending.
The special effects have been lauded, and I really have no idea why. I get why not defaulting to CGI is something people admire, but it comes across as performative when the practical effects aren't great. That is kind of a perfect distillation of the movie. Again — all hype, no substance.
One thing I was particularly interested in was how the gods were going to be handled. Their role in the Homeric epics was entirely absent from the 2004 Wolfgang Petersen film Troy, which I would recommend watching the director's cut of instead of this trash from Nolan.
Athena is the focal point of the gods' role in The Odyssey, but there's no real sense of mystique behind how Nolan presents that. Matt Damon just talks to Zendaya, and then there's a pan or cut, and it's like, "Whoa, she's gone!!!!" Only he can see her!!!! Crazy!!!!" which really is a sham considering how integrating the gods with natural phenomena would have been a great way to exercise special or practical effects. The absence of that is especially apparent when Odysseus finally returns home to Ithaca. In Homer's epic, Athena clouds the island in a mist so that Odysseus can be hidden from his enemies. In the scene from the Nolan movie, there is a mist on the shores, but there's very little done to illustrate the role Athena plays in creating it, other than her just being there. She doesn't manifest from the mist, disappear into it, or have any connection that would connect her divinity to it. It's ultimately just a perfect summation of how Zendaya plays the part of the goddess: she's just there.
Odysseus' long-awaited return to Ithaca in Book 13 of The Odyssey is also when Homer describes one of the most esoteric and mystical elements of the epic poem: the Cave of the Nymphs (no, not the one Jeffrey Epstein's brother named his property management company after). The symbolism of the Cave of the Nymphs in The Odyssey is the perfect illustration of the scale of the poem and what it and Homer mean to Greek culture. Homer was far beyond a poet; he was viewed as a completely transcendent figure bordering on divinity himself. His followers viewed his works as much as works of theology as they were poetry.
This is made apparent by the exegetical treatise of lines 102 to 112 in Book 13 of The Odyssey, in which Homer describes the cave, On the Cave of the Nymphs, written by the Neoplatonic philosopher Porphyry (who inspired the imagery of the Kabbalistic Tree of Life). In his treatise, Porphyry navigates the symbolism and metaphysical significance of the cave, penning one of the most profound and longest-lasting analyses of The Odyssey ever written. While it would be too much to expect Nolan to echo the wisdom of Porphyry, the oversight of that opportunity just goes to show how surface level his understanding of the story is and how much that comes across on screen.
One of my favorite YouTube Channels, Let's Talk Religion, recently did an incredible examination of the allegory of the Cave of the Nymphs from The Odyssey that is worth a watch much more than Nolan's movie.
In the end, it's Christopher Nolan. He's a movie maker, not a film maker (sans maybe Memento). He's what a friend of mine calls "a cable movie director." You get a blockbuster that plays to the greatest common denominator of people; that obviously was done by someone who is technically apt and very experienced when it comes to directing. What his interpretation of The Odyssey lacks is the emotional resonance that can only be achieved when a movie is able to communicate its heart and soul to an audience. That shortcoming is the perfect way to describe the movie given how its production completely disregarded the cultural and spiritual gravity that the epic poem has to the Hellenic people.
While I think much of that was purposeful and worth maligning the film for, I also question whether someone like Christopher Nolan has the capacity to have that kind of empathy enough to actually follow through on it. Nolan has described himself as being the most important person on the set of his productions because he serves as "the representative of the audience," a completely disingenuous display of humility meant to serve as a vehicle for self-aggrandizement. In the end, that is his undoing in terms of how his vision falls short of directors who are rightfully revered as auteurs. Nolan's vision is one of pragmatism, viewed through the lens of the masses but put in the hands of a director who can achieve it. It is his vision, but that perspective makes him fall very short of being a visionary. While filmmakers bring their pictures to life, he brings his to the market, which is why the box office is what his legacy rests upon. The Odyssey is just another chapter in the annals of his filmography that will be remembered for quantitative achievements like its box office receipts rather than anything qualitative that is rooted in artistic merit.
TL;DR: The Odyssey gets a 4/10 from me. It wasn't bad, but in some ways, the worst thing you can say about a film is that it's "meh."
Tyler Durden Wed, 07/22/2026 - 17:00Stream It Or Skip It: ‘Masters of the Universe’ on Amazon Prime Video, an Annoying, Dopey, Soulless Slab of IP
House Narrowly Passes $1.15 Trillion Defense Bill That Integrates US Military Tech & Supply Chains With Israel
The House passed the Fiscal Year 2027 National Defense Authorization Act on Wednesday by a 216-212 vote, sending the $1.15 trillion measure to the Senate after one of the most partisan House votes in the must-pass bill's recent history. Only six Democrats supported it, while seven Republicans voted no.
🚨 JUST IN: The US House has just PASSED the National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) — with the SAVE AMERICA ACT ATTACHED — sending it to the Senate before it heads to President Trump's desk
Final vote: 216-212
7 Republican NAYs, while 6 Democrats voted YEA pic.twitter.com/LrNfKVGBZL
Armed Services Chairman Mike Rogers praised a topline that he said finally "accounts for the true cost of American deterrence." The authorization is a centerpiece of President Trump's push to raise total defense spending to $1.5 trillion in fiscal 2027. Democrats opposed the measure over the unauthorized war with Iran - which has flared again since the collapse of a memorandum of understanding intended to open peace talks - as well as the attachment of the SAVE America Act's mail-voting restrictions and voter-ID requirements. They also objected to a price tag they argue would be financed through cuts to domestic programs.
The amendment votes exposed the chamber's other fault lines. Rep. Eli Crane's proposal to halt nearly all military aid to Ukraine was defeated 76-350, while Rep. Lauren Boebert's attempt to codify the ban on transgender military service failed 212-217. The House nevertheless adopted two amendments from Rep. Nancy Mace restricting gender-related care through the military's TRICARE health system and barring transgender athletes from girls' sports at Defense Department-run schools.
Opposition also came from lawmakers objecting to the bill's US-Israel defense-industrial integration provisions. Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez was among the Democrats who cited Section 219, while Reps. Thomas Massie and Ro Khanna had announced that they would oppose final passage on the same grounds. The provision remained intact after the Rules Committee declined to permit a floor vote on their amendment to remove it.
The bill now heads to the Senate, where the companion measure, S. 4784, is already stalled. On July 14, the Senate rejected cloture on the motion to proceed, 50-46, after Democrats opposed advancing the bill in protest of the Iran war. With the House scheduled to leave Friday for a recess lasting through the end of August, any eventual conference negotiations are likely to be pushed into the fall.
A separate party-line effort to authorize $60 billion in new war-related spending also remains far short of the $350 billion the Pentagon originally sought.
* * *
The House of Representatives will vote today on final passage of the $1.15 trillion National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2027 (H.R. 8800) - and with it, Section 219, the United States-Israel Defense Technology Cooperation Initiative, a provision directing the Pentagon to expand and accelerate the integration of US and Israeli military technology, supply chains, and defense industrial capacity.
On paper, it is one section among hundreds in a sprawling must-pass bill. In practice, it has become the single most watched line item in the entire package - partly because of what it does, and partly because House leadership just made sure nobody gets to vote on it by itself.
What Section 219 Actually DoesSection 219 - numbered Section 224 in earlier drafts - directs the Secretary of Defense to designate an "executive agent" inside the Department of Defense whose mandate is to expand and accelerate joint research, development, co-production, and industrial integration with Israel across next-gen warfare domains: missile and air defense, counter-drone systems, cyber and electronic warfare, artificial intelligence and autonomous systems, quantum technologies, directed energy, biotechnology, and defense manufacturing - with explicit pathways for moving Israeli-origin and jointly developed technology into US programs of record.
House Armed Services Chairman Mike Rogers (R-AL), who introduced the bill on May 13, has pushed back on the "merger" framing, saying the section simply designates a single senior official to coordinate cooperation that already exists, but critics say that's exactly the point.
Executive agents are permanent bureaucratic machinery - they outlive administrations, and a statutory mandate to "expand and accelerate" only runs in one direction. The Quincy Institute, in a June analysis titled Cooperation without Oversight, argued the executive-agent authority makes the provision "significantly different" from America's existing defense technology arrangements with any other allied nation. Once two industrial bases are physically intertwined - shared components, co-production lines, joint classified programs - no future Congress unwinds that with a floor amendment.
What "Executive Agent" MeansA June policy note by the Quincy Institute's Steven Simon starts from an inconvenient fact for both sides of this fight: the United States does not need Section 219 to buy, co-develop, or field Israeli defense technology. Iron Dome, the Trophy active-protection system, and Barak missiles were all acquired under existing law - cooperative R&D authority under 22 U.S.C. § 2767(j)(1), plus standard Foreign Military Sales and Direct Commercial Sales channels under the Arms Export Control Act. Whatever the initiative is for, it is not access. Its real impact is structural.
The structure is the executive agent. Under DoD Directive 5101.01, an executive agent's authority takes precedence over other Defense Department component heads within its assigned scope - meaning the Israel-cooperation agent could overrule determinations by offices like the Defense Technology Security Administration, the Pentagon body that manages the risks of transferring defense technology and critical information abroad. Pair that precedence with a statutory mandate to "expand and accelerate," and the note's conclusion follows: wherever an internal office pushes back on a transfer or an integration step, the agent exists to push it through. State Department export-control channels would still operate independently, and programs must comply with existing law - but inside the Pentagon, the tie would go to integration.
No other US ally has anything like this. Defense cooperation with the United Kingdom, Japan, Australia, and NATO runs through the standard architecture - the under secretary of defense for policy and the Defense Security Cooperation Agency - with no dedicated agent holding precedence authority to promote one country's participation in sensitive US programs. Proponents read the same structure as streamlining: one accountable senior official instead of a dozen scattered offices. Quincy reads it as handing Israeli defense firms "their own promoter in the Pentagon" - and recommends Congress strip the provision outright.
The note also supplies the missing context for why this is happening now. Section 219 is one piece of a broader, publicly acknowledged shift from aid to integration. The FY2026 NDAA already ordered a working group to study folding Israel into the National Technology and Industrial Base. A draft Senate intelligence authorization provision would mandate expanded intelligence sharing with Israel while limiting the president's power to curtail it. And the endgame is not hidden: the Washington Post reported in June that Netanyahu himself backs the GOP effort to wind down the $3.3 billion in annual direct military aid in favor of integration and purchases, and House Resolution 1339 frames the transition, in its own title, as "Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's Initiative." The concern Quincy raises is the one every aid critic should sit with: a $3.3 billion check is at least a number - published, debated, and voted on every year. Integrated supply chains carry no price tag and come up for no annual vote.
The entrenchment aspect is serious:the F-35 program already ran this experiment, and it is worth being precise about who paid for it. When Turkey was expelled from the program in 2019 over its purchase of a Russian air-defense system, Turkish industry was building roughly 1,000 parts in the global supply chain - and the costs of cutting it loose landed on both sides. Turkey lost its planned jets and its production share. But the United States - the party doing the expelling - did not walk away clean: late parts deliveries spiked, finished-jet deliveries went delinquent, and the already-delayed program slid further behind schedule, all documented by the Government Accountability Office. Fuse two defense industrial bases deeply enough, and the option of changing course quietly disappears - whatever the next decade brings.
Former Congressman Dennis Kucinich warns that Section 219 of the NDAA is a complete, well-planned takeover of the United States military by Benjamin Netanyahu.
He says the bill will give Netanyahu the ability to direct the U.S. military.
"But the truth is that it is laying the… pic.twitter.com/kmVpRaDdzc
On June 15, Rep. Thomas Massie (R-KY) and Rep. Ro Khanna (D-CA) filed a bipartisan amendment to strike Section 219 outright. The Rules Committee refused to make it in order - no debate, no vote. Then the process blew up on its own: on June 30, the rule governing the NDAA failed on the House floor, 198-224, after thirteen Republicans revolted - not over Israel, but over Speaker Mike Johnson's decision to staple a contested voter-ID bill to the defense package. Johnson canceled the rest of the week and sent members home.
Opponents of Section 219 hoped the do-over would finally produce a clean vote. Instead, the Rules Committee reported a reworked rule, H. Res. 1438, on a party-line 8-4 vote Monday night - once again leaving the Massie-Khanna amendment off the approved list. The full House adopted the rule Tuesday, 214-211, a three-vote margin. The resolution sweeps six separate measures to the floor at once, puts the NDAA under a structured rule limiting amendments to a leadership-approved list, and closes off the other five bills entirely, according to a Capitol Wire analysis of the rule.
Massie posted minutes after the floor vote, saying "No debate or vote was allowed on section 219, integration of US military technology and supply chains with Israel's."
Unfortunately the Rule passed just now and no debate or vote was allowed on section 219, integration of US military technology and supply chains with Israel's.
The NDAA will receive a recorded vote tomorrow with section 219 in it. I'll vote no.
Former Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene - out of Congress since January but still commanding one of the largest audiences in Republican politics - amplified him within hours, in considerably hotter language:
This will be the most watched recorded vote in modern times.
It will give a list of names of every Member of Congress who betrayed America, committed treason, and sold out the American people to a foreign country.
She's not wrong - this roll call will be screenshotted, sorted into lists, and campaigned on for years - which is what happens when leadership denies members a clean vote and forces every position into a single up-or-down proxy.
Khanna, for his part, is already looking past Wednesday. "Thomas Massie and I have been fighting to stop the integration between our military and the Israeli military. It's shocking that this even has to be explained. It's about American sovereignty," he said Tuesday, vowing to fight the provision in conference negotiations with the Senate. Civil liberties groups, including the Council on American-Islamic Relations, had backed the strike amendment on the narrower ground that a change this significant deserved a direct vote.
The Alliance Is Already The Deepest On The BooksTo understand what Section 219 accelerates, consider this: the US-Israel defense relationship is already the most extensive technology partnership Washington maintains with any nation it holds no mutual defense treaty with.
Under the 2016 Memorandum of Understanding, the United States committed $38 billion over ten years - $3.3 billion annually in foreign military financing plus $500 million a year for missile defense - the largest such pledge ever made to any country. Israel has been a designated Major Non-NATO Ally since 1987 and was elevated to "major strategic partner" by statute in 2014.
The hardware already flows both ways. Iron Dome is co-produced by Israel's Rafael and America's RTX; the US Army bought two batteries of its own, and the Marine Corps fields an interceptor derived from it. David's Sling and the Arrow interceptor family were co-developed with US funding and US primes. Israeli Trophy active-protection systems ride on American Abrams tanks. Israel was the first foreign air force to fly the F-35 in combat, and Israeli industry builds wing sets for the global F-35 program. The United States has pre-positioned a war reserve stockpile on Israeli soil for decades and has drawn it down repeatedly when inventories ran short elsewhere.
Congress has spent years bolting on the machinery - binational R&D foundations, working groups, counter-drone cooperation mandates. Section 219 does not start this trajectory. It codifies it, staffs it, and hands it a permanent owner.
So what would America be giving up when its defense industrial base is formally fused with a foreign state's?
- Strategic autonomy. Leverage runs both ways. When supply chains are integrated, every future policy disagreement - over war aims, over strikes, over settlements - collides with America's own production dependencies. Creating daylight, conditioning aid, or simply saying no becomes materially harder, by design. The legislative tracker A New Policy argues the initiative would entrench Israeli technology inside the US defense supply chain in a way that shields the relationship from the annual appropriations process - insulating it from Congress's power of the purse just as public support for unconditional aid is eroding.
- Escalation coupling. This is not hypothetical in July 2026. The United States is in an ongoing war with Iran; the Strait of Hormuz was shut to tanker traffic; the regional escalation ladder has been climbed in public. Critics ask the obvious question: when the industrial bases are fused, does the next conflict automatically become an American production commitment - before Congress votes on anything?
- The constitutional shortcut. Commitments of treaty-like depth and permanence are being created by simple majority, inside a must-pass bill, under a rule that forbids amendment. The Founders put a two-thirds Senate threshold on entangling alliances for a reason.
- Industrial priorities. With shipyards behind schedule, solid-rocket-motor bottlenecks, and munitions lines still scaling, the America First argument holds that marginal dollars and engineering talent should rebuild the domestic base before deepening integration offshore with anyone.
- Concentration risk. Any deep technology-sharing arrangement, with any partner, raises export-control, counterintelligence, and single-point-of-failure questions. Those questions were asked loudly and publicly about AUKUS. Here, the rule ensured they would not even be asked on the floor.
As Antiwar.com notes, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has described the integration plan as his own idea - begging the question of whose priorities a permanent Pentagon office would be built to serve.
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Despite Big Bounce In Revenues, TSLA Shares Drop After Disappointing Earnings
After a dismal two years of weakening demand, falling sales, and damage to its brand by Elon Musk’s political activities, Tesla’s road to recovery remains mixed on the heels of an impressive delivery report.
While earnings fell 18% compared to Q2 2025 to 33c a share (well below expectations of 51c) with higher AI spending and R&D weighing on profitability; the silver lining was that Revenue came in at $28.2 billion, which was 28% higher than last year (well above expectations of $26.4 billion).
The company said it hit $100 billion in trailing twelve-month revenue for the first time in history in the second quarter, and earned $1.11 billion in net income in the quarter.
The company said its first-generation production lines for Optimus Bot are being installed in anticipation of production in 2026, with the company saying production will happen "soon."
The Cybercab is listed as in production, an improvement from the company saying it expected volume production "this year" last quarter.
Tesla said the vehicle began production in the quarter.
The Tesla Semi is listed as "commissioning" and the company said it remains on track for volume production this year.
"We are focused on maximum capacity utilization at our factories," the company said.
Despite the glorious robotic (and Robotaxi and AI compute) future ahead, Tesla remains a car company. And in the second quarter, it sold an impressive 480,126 vehicles, about a 25 percent increase compared to the second quarter of 2025.
Tesla's automotive gross margins were 16.3% in the second quarter, up from 15% in Q2 2025, but down from 19.2% in Q1 of this year.
Active FSD subscriptions hit 1.48 million in the second quarter, up 56% year-over-year and up from the 1.28 million reported in the first quarter.
Additionally, Tesla said that they have more than doubled their onsite compute in Texas (in terms of MW of compute) during the first half of 2026. Cortex 2 supports the development of both vehicle and humanoid robot autonomy software and will ramp further over the rest of the year to ensure we have sufficient compute resources.
Tesla spent $5.8 billion in capital expenditures in the second quarter, bringing the first half’s total to about $8.28 billion. Though capex ramped over the past three months, it’s still not on track to meet the $25 billion in 2026 outlays Musk forecast in April.
Energy storage returned to being a revenue driver, with revenue increasing 13% year-over-year after slipping in the first quarter.
Tesla deployed 13.5 gigawatt hours of storage in 2Q, up more than 50% from the prior three months (as data centers are driving demand for batteries, which can help regulate power flows and speed up connections to the grid).
David Wagner, portfolio manager at Aptus Capital Advisors, said:
“Tesla’s earnings tonight highlight a core tension between short-term financial realities and an ambitious long-term AI vision. While recent delivery rebounds demonstrate steady vehicle volume, heavy margin pressure from global price cuts and massive capital expenditure - projected at over $25 billion this year for AI compute, chips, and infrastructure - are squeezing free cash flow.”
“Ultimately, Tesla is asking investors to fund an aggressive infrastructure cycle: if its pivot into autonomous fleets and physical AI succeeds, the long-term upside is massive, but any regulatory or technological delays leave the stock vulnerable if judged solely on its core automotive margins.”
Nevertheless, the earnings miss is weighing on Tesla shares after hours, testing three-month lows ahead of the Tesla earnings conference call, with Musk at the helm, set to start about 1730ET.
Investor focus likely will be on robotaxis, Optimus robots, capital spending and CEO Elon Musk.
The company said it has "never been more optimistic about the future."
Tyler Durden Wed, 07/22/2026 - 16:45