Aggregator
A World Turned Upside Down
Outline of a talk given at the Higher School of Economics, Moscow, 7 Sept 2026
Can civilizations pull together the fragments of older insights and knowing to give the context by which to make moral discourse intelligible again?
The global future is often framed as being that of a multi-polar or multi-nodal world, with the implicit assumption that states would get along better - and would resolve their differences more easily through discussion than through war.
This was a meme that was in wide circulation in the Pre-WW1 years. Books were written to suggest that war could not happen: The definitive text on this concept, originally published in 1910 as The Great Illusion, became an international bestseller.
Its author, Norman Angell, argued that because nations relied heavily on a highly intertwined global trading system, the economic cost of war would drastically outweigh any potential gains. He asserted that a victorious nation would suffer just as much economic ruin as the vanquished - making the traditional concept of military conquest obsolete. His argument was popularly interpreted as making war "impossible".
His argument proved fallacious; the Great War duly erupted.
Today, the idea of some multi-polarity interplay persists, but the threat of war remains and is heightened by the West's refusal to hear - or understand - what civilisational sovereign states are saying. This inability to listen with empathetic engagement lies at the root of the catastrophic western Intelligence misreadings of Iran and Russia. And the casting of China as so 'other' to make it a closed-book to western ears.
In his influential 1981 book, After Virtue, Alasdair MacIntyre argued that the Enlightenment project cut Western man off from his roots in tradition, but had failed to produce a binding morality based on Reason alone. Consequently, many of those who live in the West live a world of "moral chaos and fragmentation, in which 'chaotic', disintegrative forces have very nearly obliterated true moral inquiry from European culture".
What is important to understand is that MacIntyre's "moral chaos and fragmentation" is deliberately fostered to weaken national, community and religious attachment - precisely in order to target and weaken national cohesion and civilisational sovereignty.
MacIntyre's argument is that it is cultural tradition alone, and its moral tales, that provide context to terms such as good, justice and telos:
"In the absence of traditions, moral debate is out of joint and becomes a theatre of illusions in which simple indignation and mere protest occupy centre stage".
"Lines are drawn early, and participants rush to take sides. But in taking sides they appear to render themselves incapable of hearing the other ... Everyone feels the heat, but no one sees the light", MacIntyre underlines.
What we possess today, MacIntyre suggests, are nothing more than mere fragments of an older tradition (Heroic Society). These fragments simply are too sparse, since our moral discourse, which uses terms like good and justice and duty, has been robbed of the context that would make it intelligible. In other words, it places the virtue of the heroic, Homeric world beyond western reach.
Lines are drawn. There is a rush to take sides. The 'chaotic', disintegrative forces of today have very nearly obliterated moral inquiry from European culture. The more striking feature of moral debates is their tendency never to reach resolution.
When all moral judgments - stripped of context - become little more than expressions of preference, of attitude or feeling - emotivism, in other words - debate is out of joint; it is transformed into a theatre of narratives in which indignation and polarity take centre stage.
But, in taking such emotive partisan sides, actors render themselves incapable of hearing The Other. 'Others', then, whether Russia, Iran or China, simply become invisible by the norms of this approach - as their ways of orienting human attention to the world are quite distinct.
Thus, we can (and are) being led to war by narrative messaging specifically intended to compel humans to spatialise the world in a certain way, without our being aware of it. We are being led to an Enlightenment-driven 'one world' in which all 'Otherness' - whether Russian, Iranian or Chinese - becomes invisible by the norms, the mode of presence, by which we approach 'things'.
In this 'war', the world is turned 'upside down'. Most people are not actively spatialising the world around them, but seemingly have become content to have it spatialised for them. Narratives are kneaded and rolled out before our eyes. This is how the machine works. Most people in the West believe themselves to have a firm handle on reality - facts, evidence, and conclusions. But effectively, we face a structure that purposefully turns that imagined grasp on reality inside out.
In the machine, the 'spatialisation' is backwards: First, they receive the messaging, then they knead and roll out a narrative of 'reality' like dough, until it fits the design. And if required, they put the Media machine into reverse and knead that same reality in the opposite direction.
So how can sovereign civilisations escape the 'MacIntyre trap'? Can civilisations pull together the fragments of older insights and knowing to give the context by which to make moral discourse intelligible again?
To climb out of the Fustian space of mechanistic thinking and manipulated narrative is not easy or simple. Quite the contrary.
But notice what it requires - a change in our mode of presence; how we dispose our attention toward the world.
How you dispose of consciousness towards the world, neurologist Iain McGilchrist tells us, is crucial: For, the way that you do it, alters and determines what you will find and understand. And as we spatialise the world around us differently, perception widens and the (until then hidden) spaciousness of what lies beyond comes into view.
A recovery of older ways of thinking - the 'all-at-once, all together' way of thinking (thinking through image) and other sources of cognition - can open a path to mediation between the seemingly oppositional polarities of the subjective and the objective which mechanical rationality so often leaves hardened into unresolvable impedimenta. The apophatic approach too can blunt the sharp edges of conceptual thought by introducing 'betweenness' finding its space between sharp angular argument. These modes of thought possess logic of their own that stands apart from the Enlightenment rigidities.
This is the lesson that Iran and its re-discovery of ancient thought is providing to the world today.
Albert Einstein once noted that "the rational mind is a servant; but the intuitive mind is a precious gift. Our world, however, honours the servant - but forgets [ignores] the gift".
We publish a variety of perspectives. Nothing written here is to be construed as representing the views of ZeroHedge.
Tyler Durden Mon, 09/28/2026 - 03:30Dear Abby: My dad’s hospitality is being taken advantage of by my relative
These Are The Countries Importing The Most Military Drones
Two countries at war with each other account for more than nine in ten of the military drones that crossed borders over the past four years.
Ukraine took delivery of 8,664 foreign-supplied military drones from 2022 through 2025, most of them American, while Russia received 6,720, mostly Iranian Shahed-136s, according to SIPRI data compiled by Visual Capitalist. Taiwan, a distant third, received 291.
SIPRI's count leaves out most of what is actually flying. It tracks only large drones and long-range one-way attack models, so the cheap first-person-view drones fighting much of the war at the front don't register, and neither do drones a country builds at home.
As Visual Capitalist explains further,
Drones have become one of the defining weapons of modern warfare, and international trade in them now revolves around a single conflict.
This graphic ranks countries by the number of military drones they received from foreign suppliers from 2022 to 2025, using data from the SIPRI Arms Transfers Database. The figures include drones sent as aid and those built in the recipient country under a foreign license.
SIPRI tracks major weapons only: drone aircraft with a loaded weight of at least 150 kg, plus one-way attack drones and loitering munitions, which it classifies as missiles. Small first-person-view (FPV) and commercial drones fall largely outside its scope.
Ukraine and Russia Dominate Military Drone ImportsThe ranking drops off sharply after the top two countries. No other country received even 300 military drones during the period.
Ukraine's supply was heavily concentrated among U.S. systems, which accounted for 83% of its recorded total. Russia's recorded imports, meanwhile, were attributed to Iran.
The table below shows the number of military drones each country received in 2022-2025 and its share of the global total.
Rank Country Military Drone Imports (2022-2025) Share of Global Total 1 🇺🇦 Ukraine 8,664 51.5% 2 🇷🇺 Russia 6,720 39.9% 3 🇹🇼 Taiwan 291 1.7% 4 🇰🇷 South Korea 190 1.1% 5 🇦🇿 Azerbaijan 154 0.9% 6 🇮🇳 India 119 0.7% 7 🇬🇪 Georgia 100 0.6% 8 🇦🇱 Albania 56 0.3% 9 🇭🇺 Hungary 50 0.3% 9 🇱🇹 Lithuania 50 0.3% 11 🇵🇰 Pakistan 33 0.2% 12 🇨🇩 DR Congo 29 0.2% 13 🇵🇱 Poland 26 0.2% 14 🇦🇪 UAE 22 0.1% 15 🇧🇾 Belarus 20 0.1% 16 🇰🇼 Kuwait 18 0.1% 16 🇷🇴 Romania 18 0.1% 16 🇬🇧 UK 18 0.1% 19 🇸🇩 Sudan 17 0.1% 20 🇲🇱 Mali 15 0.1% 21 🇧🇫 Burkina Faso 10 0.1% 21 🇲🇦 Morocco 10 0.1% 21 🇷🇸 Serbia 10 0.1% 24 🇧🇩 Bangladesh 9 0.1% 25 🇰🇬 Kyrgyzstan 8 <0.1% 26 🇳🇪 Niger 7 <0.1% 26 🇳🇬 Nigeria 7 <0.1% 26 🇹🇭 Thailand 7 <0.1% 29 🇩🇿 Algeria 6 <0.1% 29 🇭🇷 Croatia 6 <0.1% 29 🇰🇪 Kenya 6 <0.1% 29 🇨🇭 Switzerland 6 <0.1% 29 🇹🇯 Tajikistan 6 <0.1% 34 🇽🇰 Kosovo 5 <0.1% 34 🇸🇦 Saudi Arabia 5 <0.1% -- Other 104 0.6% -- Global Total 16,822 100.0%Most of Russia's drone imports were Shahed-136s, which Russia first imported from Iran and now produces in its own versions as the Geran-2. SIPRI says there is little indication that continued Iranian input is still needed.
Small Military Drone Trade Is Far BiggerOutside Russia and Ukraine, Taiwan is the largest importer of military drones, with 291 U.S.-made loitering munitions delivered in 2025.
Its drone push has been influenced by Ukraine, and government plans call for up to 200,000 drones over the coming decade, more than 10 times the entire global total recorded from 2022 to 2025.
This gap exists because SIPRI's database, the same one behind our ranking of the biggest arms importers, tracks major weapons: large drones plus long-range one-way attack drones, with the latter making up 97% of the transfers shown here. The small, inexpensive first-person-view (FPV) drones that now do much of the fighting at the front mostly fall outside its scope.
Those drones move in far larger numbers. The UK alone delivered more than 85,000 smaller military drones to Ukraine in six months of 2025, about five times SIPRI's recorded global total for the entire four-year period.
Drones built domestically are also excluded, since SIPRI only counts weapons that cross borders or are produced under a foreign license. Ukraine's defense industry can now produce more than 8 million FPV drones a year, while Ukrainian intelligence estimates that Russia builds about 2,800 Geran-2 drones per month, far above the 2,000 a year SIPRI records under the Iranian license.
Tyler Durden Mon, 09/28/2026 - 02:45‘Rams got robbed’: Controversial call that may have changed everything in brutal Broncos loss
Italian Energy Giant Eni Caps Fuel Prices As Refining Crunch Drives Costs Higher
Authored by Charles Kennedy via OilPrice.com,
Italian energy major Eni will cap fuel prices at its Enilive service stations beginning September 28 as tighter refined-product supplies and reduced European refining capacity continue to put upward pressure on pump prices.
The company said diesel sold through Enilive will be capped at €2.19 per liter, while petrol will be limited to €1.99 per liter. Eni said the caps are roughly €0.17 per liter below current average price levels.
The measure will initially remain in place for 30 days and could be extended through the end of 2026 depending on fuel-market conditions and supply trends.
Eni said the initiative is linked to excise-tax relief currently in force in Italy and is intended to reduce the impact of elevated fuel prices on households and businesses.
European fuel markets have faced renewed pressure from geopolitical disruptions, constrained refined-product availability and a long-term decline in regional refining capacity. Eni said nearly 30 European refineries have closed over the past 15 years, leaving the market more exposed when supplies tighten or imports are disrupted.
The Italian major said it has already been absorbing part of the increase in international fuel prices since March rather than fully passing higher wholesale costs through to recommended pump prices.
The latest intervention comes as European countries continue to grapple with the consequences of shrinking conventional refining capacity while attempting to transition toward lower-carbon fuels.
Eni is maintaining refining-related investments in Italy through its Enilive business, including its biorefineries in Venice and Gela. The company is also transforming its Livorno industrial site and other domestic facilities as part of a strategy focused increasingly on biofuels and lower-carbon products.
Those projects allow Eni to retain domestic processing capacity while shifting part of its downstream portfolio away from traditional petroleum refining.
[ZH: Last week saw US diesel prices decouple (lower) from EU prices amid chatter of a US export ban...]
The price cap also illustrates the increasing pressure on European refiners and fuel retailers to balance volatile international product prices with government efforts to limit the impact of energy costs on consumers.
Tyler Durden Mon, 09/28/2026 - 02:00